ISIL's sex slaves recount horrific stories of rape, abuse

April/29/2015 |  İpek Yezdani - PHOTOS: Selçuk Şamiloğlu/Hürriyet

A Chechen ISIL militant 'cleaned' 19-year-old Dalia with petrol before raping her... Daily Hürriyet interviews ISIL's Yazidi sex slaves in three refugee camps in northern Iraq, publishing their harrowing accounts.

They were kidnapped, sold as sex slaves and raped for months at the hands of Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) militants.

Hundreds of them managed to reach safety in the territory of Iraq’s Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), either by escaping from ISIL by themselves or by the help of their relatives who paid a ransom.

We met the Yazidi women and girls in the Baadre, Shariya and Kepertu refugee camps in the northern Iraqi city of Dohuk, listening to their immensely disturbing accounts of abuse in captivity.

Dalia: Sold seven times

Dalia is a high school student from the Herdan village on Sinjar Mountain in northern Iraq. She was only 19 years old when she finally escaped from ISIL on April 4.

She hardly speaks now, often with tearful eyes and with long periods of silence between difficult phrases that describe not only brutality, but also everything that is against humanity.

Dalia was abused, raped and tortured during nine months in captivity. She was sold and bought seven times by different militants.

School turns into slave market

“On Aug. 3, 2014, we woke up to see ISIL militants raiding our village. Everyone was trying to escape, but they caught us,” she said.

Here is the rest of her account:

“They gathered us in the village square. ‘You will either convert to Islam or you will die,’ they said. We agreed to convert out of fear. But anyway, they took all the village’s men away and we never heard of them again.

“They sorted the young women from the old. They brought the young women and children to Tel Afar [a northern Iraqi city]. And then they took away the children who were older than 5, including my brother. They imprisoned us at a school in Tel Afar. It was like a slave market. ISIL’s amirs, including Turks, Germans and Chechens, came each day and bought one of us. There were 12- to 13-year-old girls.

Concubines as gift

“A Turkmen ISIL militant from Tel Afar brought me to his home, where his wife and three children were also living. I stayed with him for five months. One day, an ISIL amir named Abu Mustafa forcibly took me from there and presented me as a gift to another amir named Aymen, who was Chechen.

“Before raping me, Aymen pulled my hair and forced my head into a bucket full of petrol. ‘You are so dirty, this is how we clean you,’ he said. Then he imprisoned me in his house and raped me for three days.

“Then I was exchanged with another Yazidi girl, who was made a concubine by Abu Salih. He raped me one night and then sent me back to Aymen. After 10 days, Abu Mustafa returned and bought me back, telling Aymen that I had been given as a gift as a concubine, not to be exchanged.

“I stayed at Abu Mustafa’s house for a month. Then he sold me to a man from Mosul named Izam. He was taking me at nights, raping me before bringing me back to my mother the following morning. I was going with him each night, crying.”

ISIL’s rules of enslaving

“After a month, he also sold me. I stayed with another man from Mosul until he got bored of me. Then an ISIL doctor in Tel Afar bought me, who treated me like Izam.

“One day I resisted him at the risk of being murdered. The ISIL leader in the village heard about it and told the doctor that Yazidi girls can ‘only be owned by one person, and cannot be sold every day.’

“Then he sold me to an Arab from Kirkuk, who later revealed to me that he bought me not to rape me, but to free me in Kurdistan. With him, I went to Karbala, then to Baghdad and finally to Zakho, where he handed me over to the Kurdish police.

“My father was working in Zakho. He came to pick me up from the police station. When I saw him again, I thought I was flying. He started to cry. I was so happy that I almost forgot about everything I experienced.”

Leyla: From Iraq to Syria

Leyla, 20, was captured by ISIL when militants raided the Kocho village on Sinjar Mountain on Aug. 15, 2014. Since then, her mother, two sisters and brother have been ISIL’s captives. Her father, on the other hand, is still missing.

“They carried away all the village’s men with trucks,” Leyla said in her account.

Although her account resembles Dalia’s story on the main aspects of ISIL’s tactics, like separating and possibly killing all Yazidi men while taking women and children to schools converted into slave markets, its details show how torment and torture at the hands of ISIL varied for each girl and woman.

“They kept us in an empty building in Mosul for two days. Then they brought us to Raqqa,” Dalia said, referring to ISIL’s self-declared capital in northern Syria.

Here is the rest of her account:

“ISIL militants were coming every day to pick three or four girls they liked. One day they bought my sisters and brought them to Mosul. Then, an ISIL militant bought me and another girl before taking us to the Iraqi town of Husaybah, which is a six-hour drive away.

‘Caliph’s order’

“He locked us in a house in Husaybah, then sold us to another ISIL militant. He took me back to Syria, to Aleppo. For four days, he raped me while I was handcuffed. Then he sold me to an Egyptian militant.

“The Egyptian brought me to Raqqa, imprisoned me and raped me for eight months. I begged him so many times, but he ignored me. ‘It is the caliph’s [ISIL leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’s] order,’ he said in reply.

“I thought of committing suicide many times, but I decided not to do it because then my family would not be able to find my corpse. One day, when he was away, I used the home phone to call my uncle, who had a friend in Raqqa. He promised me to help. I escaped and met him at an Internet cafe. Then he took me to Turkey with his motorcycle. We crossed the border illegally and I met my uncle in a restaurant in [the southeastern Turkish city of] Şanlıurfa. I burst into tears when I saw him.”

Selma: Giving birth in captivity

When we met Selma, 26, she had liberated from ISIL just 12 days previously. She has a 4-year-old son and a 6-month-old daughter, who was born when the mother was still a captive in the house of an ISIL militant.

Here is her account:

“After they raided our village in Sinjar, they took me to the city of Tal Afar with the other Yazidi women. My son was with me. They kept us in prison for one month, then they transported us to Raqqa in Syria. They put us together with some 500 women in the top floor of a building. Then ISIL militants came over and started to buy us one by one. One of them bought me with my son and took us to his home. My daughter was born there. Then he sold us to an ISIL militant for 2,600 dollars, who would later sell us to another man from Aleppo for 4,000 dollars. I found a mobile phone in his house and called my husband secretly. Then my husband paid him 20,000 dollars to take me back. My children and I fled to Turkey first, then we went to Zakho via Şanlıurfa.”

Bahar treated as 'property'

Bahar, 15, was kept as a slave together with her cousins Hadiya, 24, and Nawin, 19, in the house of a married ISIL militant from Saudi Arabia.

“He would beat all of us every day, and he would sexually abuse us at night. His wife said, ‘I would help you if I could,’ but she couldn’t do anything either. ‘We founded the caliphate in order to spread Islam, so you have to convert to Islam,’ he said. We agreed to convert because we didn’t want to die. But still nothing changed in his behaviour. He kept saying ‘Yazidis are infidels, you are our property.’

“We tried to escape a couple of times, but we couldn’t succeed. One day he came over and said, ‘I am leaving to Kobane for jihad.’ And he left us at the house of another ISIL militant. He also kept another Yazidi girl at home.

“This girl’s uncle called someone that he knew in Raqqa. ‘I paid him, so he is going to help you to escape,’ her uncle said. We called the guy, and he told us to meet at the square in Raqqa at 1 p.m. He took us by taxi and brought us to the Turkish border. We crossed the border and went to Gaziantep with the help of a Kurdish person from Diyarbakır. Then we went to Zakho through the Halil İbrahim Border Gate in Cizre.”

Rudeyna's family taken hostage

One of the 216 Yazidi hostages that ISIL released a few weeks ago was 10-year-old Rudeyna, who was kidnapped and kept by ISIL for nine months.

“They tortured and beheaded people in front of this poor child, she is highly traumatized,” her aunt told us before we start talking to Rudeyna.

“It was as if she was insane when she first arrived, yelling and crying all the time. She still sees nightmares every night. She starts crying whenever she sees a bearded man,” the aunt added.

Shooting randomly

After Rudeyna agreed to talk to us, we went inside the tent in which they have been staying with her aunt in the Kepertu refugee camp:

“I was so scared when they [ISIL] attacked our village last August. We hid inside a room with my mother, but they caught us. They started shooting randomly and killed our neighbours before our eyes. They captured all of my family that day, they took all of us to different places. They also took my brothers and sisters. I haven’t seen my mother and father since that day...”

Most vicious people on Earth

ISIL militants separated Rudeyna from her parents and took her to Mosul with her grandmother.

“They put us in a school with many other Yazidi women. A couple of days later, they came and took all the young girls,” Rudeyna added. “They told us we would never be able to see our families again. They tortured the women who tried to resist. They also did bad things to me. They are the most vicious people on Earth.”

The Muslim Brotherhood “Project”

SOURCE | | Thursday, May 11, 2006 | | By Patrick Poole: an author and public policy researcher.

One might be led to think that if international law enforcement authorities and Western intelligence agencies had discovered a twenty-year old document revealing a top-secret plan developed by the oldest Islamist organization with one of the most extensive terror networks in the world to launch a program of “cultural invasion” and eventual conquest of the West that virtually mirrors the tactics used by Islamists for more than two decades, that such news would scream from headlines published on the front pages and above the fold of the New York TimesWashington PostLondon TimesLe MondeBild, and La Repubblica.
If that’s what you might think, you would be wrong.

In fact, such a document was recovered in a raid by Swiss authorities in November 2001, two months after the horror of 9/11. Since that time information about this document, known in counterterrorism circles as“The Project”, and discussion regarding its content has been limited to the top-secret world of Western intelligence communities. Only through the work of an intrepid Swiss journalist, Sylvain Besson of Le Temps, and his book published in October 2005 in France, La conquête de l'Occident: Le projet secret des Islamistes (The Conquest of the West: The Islamists' Secret Project), has information regarding The Projectfinally been made public. One Western official cited by Besson has described The Project as “a totalitarian ideology of infiltration which represents, in the end, the greatest danger for European societies.”

Now FrontPage readers will be the first to be able to read the complete English translation of The Project.

What Western intelligence authorities know about The Project begins with the raid of a luxurious villa inCampioneSwitzerland on November 7, 2001. The target of the raid was Youssef Nada, director of the Al-Taqwa Bank of Lugano, who has had active association with the Muslim Brotherhood for more than 50 years and who admitted to being one of the organization’s international leaders. The Muslim Brotherhood, regarded as the oldest and one of the most important Islamist movements in the world, was founded by Hasan al-Banna in 1928 and dedicated to the credo, “Allah is our objective. The Prophet is our leader. Qur’an is our law. Jihad is our way. Dying in the way of Allah is our highest hope.”

The raid was conducted by Swiss law enforcement at the request of the White House in the initial crackdown on terrorist finances in the immediate aftermath of 9/11. US and Swiss investigators had been looking at Al-Taqwa’s involvement in money laundering and funding a wide range of Islamic terrorist groups, including Al-Qaeda, HAMAS (the Palestinian affiliate of the Muslim Brotherhood), the Algerian GIA, and the Tunisian Ennahdah.

Included in the documents seized during the raid of Nada’s Swiss villa was a 14-page plan written in Arabic and dated December 1, 1982, which outlines a 12-point strategy to “establish an Islamic government on earth” – identified as The Project. According to testimony given to Swiss authorities by Nada, the unsigned document was prepared by “Islamic researchers” associated with the Muslim Brotherhood.

What makes The Project so different from the standard “Death of America! Death to Israel!” and “Establish the global caliphate!” Islamist rhetoric is that it represents a flexible, multi-phased, long-term approach to the “cultural invasion” of the West. Calling for the utilization of various tactics, ranging from immigration, infiltration, surveillance, propaganda, protest, deception, political legitimacy and terrorism,The Project has served for more than two decades as the Muslim Brotherhood “master plan”. As can be seen in a number of examples throughout Europe – including the political recognition of parallel Islamist government organizations in Sweden, the recent “cartoon” jihad in Denmark, the Parisian car-burningintifada last November, and the 7/7 terrorist attacks in London – the plan outlined in The Project has been overwhelmingly successful.

Rather than focusing on terrorism as the sole method of group action, as is the case with Al-Qaeda, in perfect postmodern fashion the use of terror falls into a multiplicity of options available to progressively infiltrate, confront, and eventually establish Islamic domination over the West. The following tactics and techniques are among the many recommendations made in The Project:

  • Networking and coordinating actions between likeminded Islamist organizations;
  • Avoiding open alliances with known terrorist organizations and individuals to maintain the appearance of “moderation”;
  • Infiltrating and taking over existing Muslim organizations to realign them towards the Muslim Brotherhood’s collective goals;
  • Using deception to mask the intended goals of Islamist actions, as long as it doesn’t conflict withshari’a law;
  • Avoiding social conflicts with Westerners locally, nationally or globally, that might damage the long-term ability to expand the Islamist powerbase in the West or provoke a lash back against Muslims;
  • Establishing financial networks to fund the work of conversion of the West, including the support of full-time administrators and workers;
  • Conducting surveillance, obtaining data, and establishing collection and data storage capabilities;
  • Putting into place a watchdog system for monitoring Western media to warn Muslims of “international plots fomented against them”;
  • Cultivating an Islamist intellectual community, including the establishment of think-tanks and advocacy groups, and publishing “academic” studies, to legitimize Islamist positions and to chronicle the history of Islamist movements;
  • Developing a comprehensive 100-year plan to advance Islamist ideology throughout the world;
  • Balancing international objectives with local flexibility;
  • Building extensive social networks of schools, hospitals and charitable organizations dedicated to Islamist ideals so that contact with the movement for Muslims in the West is constant;
  • Involving ideologically committed Muslims in democratically-elected institutions on all levels in the West, including government, NGOs, private organizations and labor unions;
  • Instrumentally using existing Western institutions until they can be converted and put into service of Islam;
  • Drafting Islamic constitutions, laws and policies for eventual implementation;
  • Avoiding conflict within the Islamist movements on all levels, including the development of processes for conflict resolution;
  • Instituting alliances with Western “progressive” organizations that share similar goals;
  • Creating autonomous “security forces” to protect Muslims in the West;
  • Inflaming violence and keeping Muslims living in the West “in a jihad frame of mind”;
  • Supporting jihad movements across the Muslim world through preaching, propaganda, personnel, funding, and technical and operational support;
  • Making the Palestinian cause a global wedge issue for Muslims;
  • Adopting the total liberation of Palestine from Israel and the creation of an Islamic state as a keystone in the plan for global Islamic domination;
  • Instigating a constant campaign to incite hatred by Muslims against Jews and rejecting any discussions of conciliation or coexistence with them;
  • Actively creating jihad terror cells within Palestine;
  • Linking the terrorist activities in Palestine with the global terror movement;
  • Collecting sufficient funds to indefinitely perpetuate and support jihad around the world;
In reading The Project, it should be kept in mind that it was drafted in 1982 when current tensions and terrorist activities in the Middle East were still very nascent. In many respects, The Project is extremely prescient for outlining the bulk of Islamist action, whether by “moderate” Islamist organizations or outright terror groups, over the past two decades.

At present, most of what is publicly known about The Project is the result of Sylvain Besson’s investigative work, including his book and a related article published last October in the Swiss daily, Le Temps,L'islamisme à la conquête du monde (Islamism and the Conquest of the World), profiling his book, which is only available in a French-language edition. At least one Egyptian newspaper, Al-Mussawar, published the entire Arabic text of The Project last November.  

In the English-language press, the attention paid to Besson’s revelation of The Project has been almost non-existent. The only mention found in a mainstream media publication in the US has been as a secondary item in an article in the Weekly Standard (February 20, 2006) by Olivier Guitta, The Cartoon JihadThe most extensive commentary on The Project has been by an American researcher and journalist living inLondon, Scott Burgess, who has posted his analysis of the document on his blog, The Daily Ablution. Along with his commentary, an English translation of the French text of The Project was serialized in December (Parts IIIIIIIVVConclusion). The complete English translation prepared by Mr. Burgess is presented in its entirety here with his permission.

The lack of public discussion about The Project notwithstanding, the document and the plan it outlines has been the subject of considerable discussion amongst the Western intelligence agencies. One UScounterterrorism official who spoke with Besson about The Project, and who is cited in Guitta’s Weekly Standard article, is current White House terrorism czar, Juan Zarate. Calling The Project a Muslim Brotherhood master plan for “spreading their political ideology,” Zarate expressed concerns to Besson because “the Muslim Brotherhood is a group that worries us not because it deals with philosophical or ideological ideas but because it defends the use of violence against civilians.”

One renowned international scholar of Islamist movements who also spoke with Besson, Reuven Paz, talked about The Project in its historical context:

The Project was part of the charter of the international organization of the Muslim Brotherhood, which was official established on July 29, 1982. It reflects a vast plan which was revived in the 1960s, with the immigration of Brotherhood intellectuals, principally Syrian and Egyptians, intoEurope.

As Paz notes, The Project was drafted by the Muslim Brotherhood as part of its rechartering process in 1982, a time that marks an upswing in its organizational expansion internationally, as well as a turning point in the alternating periods of repression and toleration by the Egyptian government. In 1952, the organization played a critical support role to the Free Officers Movement led by Gamal Abdul Nasser, which overthrew King Faruq, but quickly fell out of favor with the new revolutionary regime because ofNasser’s refusal to follow the Muslim Brotherhood’s call to institute an ideologically committed Islamic state. At various times since the July Revolution in 1952, the Brotherhood has regularly been banned and its leaders killed and imprisoned by Egyptian authorities.

Since it was rechartered in 1982, the Muslim Brotherhood has spread its network across the Middle East,Europe, and even America. At home in Egypt, parliamentary elections in 2005 saw the Muslim Brotherhood winning 20 percent of the available legislative seats, comprising the largest opposition party block. Its Palestinian affiliate, known to the world as HAMAS, recently gained control of the Palestinian Authority after elections secured for them 74 of 132 seats in the Palestinian Legislative Council. Its Syrian branch has historically been the largest organized group opposing the Assad regime, and the organization also has affiliates in JordanSudan, and Iraq. In the US, the Muslim Brotherhood is primarily represented by the Muslim American Society (MAS).

Since its formation, the Muslim Brotherhood has advocated the use of terrorism as a means of advancing its agenda of global Islamic domination. But as the largest popular radical movement in the Islamic world, it has attracted many leading Islamist intellectuals. Included among this group of Muslim Brotherhood intellectuals is Youssef Qaradawi, an Egyptian-born, Qatar-based Islamist cleric.

As one of the leading Muslim Brotherhood spiritual figures and radical Islamic preachers (who has his own weekly program on Al-Jazeera), Qaradawi has been one of the leading apologists of suicide bombings inIsrael and terrorism against Western interests in the Middle East. Both Sylvain Besson and Scott Burgess provide extensive comparisons between Qaradawi’s publication, Priorities of the Islamic Movement in the Coming Phase, published in 1990, and The Project, which predates Qaradawi’s Priorities by eight years. They note the striking similarities in the language used and the plans and methods both documents advocate. It is speculated that The Project was either used by Qaradawi as a template for his own work, or that he had a hand in its drafting in 1982. Perhaps coincidentally, Qaradawi was the fourth largest shareholder in the Al-Taqwa Bank of Lugano, the director of which, Youssef Nada, was the individual in whose possession The Project was found. Since 1999, Qaradawi has been banned from entering the US as a result of his connections to terrorist organizations and his outspoken advocacy of terrorism.

For those who have read The Project, what is most troubling is not that Islamists have developed a plan for global dominance; it has been assumed by experts that Islamist organizations and terrorist groups have been operating off an agreed-upon set of general principles, networks and methodology. What is startling is how effectively the Islamist plan for conquest outlined in The Project has been implemented by Muslims in the West for more than two decades. Equally troubling is the ideology that lies behind the plan: inciting hatred and violence against Jewish populations around the world; the deliberate co-opting and subversion of Western public and private institutions; its recommendation of a policy of deliberate escalating confrontation by Muslims living in the West against their neighbors and fellow-citizens; the acceptance of terrorism as a legitimate option for achieving their ends and the inevitable reality of jihad against non-Muslims; and its ultimate goal of forcibly instituting the Islamic rule of the caliphate by shari’a in the West, and eventually the whole world.


Below is the English translation of 'The Project'


[NOTE: The following English translation of The Project has been prepared by Scott Burgess and was first published in serial form by The Daily Ablution in December 2005 (Parts IIIIIIIVVConclusion). It is copyrighted and reprinted here with his permission. It is based on the French text of The Project published in Sylvain Besson, La conquête de l'Occident: Le projet secret des Islamistes (Paris: Le Seuil, 2005), pp. 193-205.]
In the name of Allah, the Beneficent and Merciful
S/5/100 report
1/12/1982 [December 1, 1982]
Towards a worldwide strategy for Islamic policy
(Points of Departure, Elements, Procedures and Missions)
This report presents a global vision of a worldwide strategy for Islamic policy [or "political Islam"]. Local Islamic policies will be drawn up in the different regions in accordance with its guidelines. It acts, first of all, to define the points of departure of that policy, then to set up the components and the most important procedures linked to each point of departure; finally we suggest several missions, by way of example only, may Allah protect us.
The following are the principal points of departure of this policy:
Point of Departure 1: To know the terrain and adopt a scientific methodology for its planning and execution.
Point of Departure 2: To demonstrate proof of the serious nature of the work.
Point of Departure 3: To reconcile international engagement with flexibility at a local level.
Point of Departure 4: To reconcile political engagement and the necessity of avoiding isolation on one hand, with permanent education and institutional action on the other.
Point of Departure 5: To be used to establish an Islamic State; parallel, progressive efforts targeted at controlling the local centers of power through institutional action.
Point of Departure 6: To work with loyalty alongside Islamic groups and institutions in multiple areas to agree on common ground, in order to "cooperate on the points of agreement and set aside the points of disagreement".
Point of Departure 7: To accept the principle of temporary cooperation between Islamic movements and nationalist movements in the broad sphere and on common ground such as the struggle against colonialism, preaching and the Jewish state, without however having to form alliances. This will require, on the other hand, limited contacts between certain leaders, on a case by case basis, as long as these contacts do not violate the [shari’a] law. Nevertheless, one must not give them allegiance or take them into confidence, bearing in mind that the Islamic movement must be the origin of the initiatives and orientations taken.
Point of Departure 8: To master the art of the possible on a temporary basis without abusing the basic principles, bearing in mind that Allah's teachings always apply. One must order the suitable and forbid that which is not, always providing a documented opinion. But we should not look for confrontation with our adversaries, at the local or the global scale, which would be disproportionate and could lead to attacks against the dawa or its disciples.
Point of Departure 9: To construct a permanent force of the Islamic dawa and support movements engaged in jihad across the Muslim world, to varying degrees and insofar as possible.
Point of Departure 10: To use diverse and varied surveillance systems, in several places, to gather information and adopt a single effective warning system serving the worldwide Islamic movement. In fact, surveillance, policy decisions and effective communications complement each other.
Point of Departure 11: To adopt the Palestinian cause as part of a worldwide Islamic plan, with the policy plan and by means of jihad, since it acts as the keystone of the renaissance of the Arab world today.
Point of Departure 12: To know how to turn to self-criticism and permanent evaluation of worldwide Islamic policy and its objectives, of its content and its procedures, in order to improve it. This is a duty and a necessity according to the precepts of shari’a.
Know the terrain and adopt a scientific methodology for [The Project's] planning and execution.
a- Elements:
Know the influential factors in the world, whether they act as Islamic forces, adverse forces, or neutral forces.
Use the necessary scientific and technical means for planning, organization, execution and follow-up.
b- Procedures:
Create observation centers in order to gather and store information for all useful purposes, if need be relying on modern technological methods.
Create centers of study and research and produce studies on the political dimension of the Islamic movement.
c- Suggested missions:
Draw up a map of [religious and ideological] doctrines in the world to have a global vision from 100 years ago to our era, and analyze the current situation in light of that configuration, taking account of changes both happening and predicted.
Draw up a map of doctrines of the Muslim world.
Draw up a map of Islamic movements in the Muslim world.
Carry out successive political and scientific studies in varying Islamic areas, those which apply more particularly to current events.
Carry out a scientific study which addresses the history of contemporary Islamic movements, and use it.
To demonstrate proof of the serious nature of the work.
a- Elements: 
Clarity of the principal objectives of the
 dawa in the eyes of all, as well as clarity of the temporary objectives, necessitates exploitation, channeling and orientation of the energies.
Devote sufficient effort to the service of the workers [for Allah] and coordinate their efforts to the sole and same objective.
Devote sufficient time.
Spend money to the extent possible.
Exploit all the energies of the workers to the service of the
 dawa, each at his level (the criterion of efficiency, given that each must be devoted to the task to which he's assigned).
Mobilize the greatest possible number of supporters and officials.
Collect money efficiently, control expenses and invest in the general interest.
c- Suggested missions:
Carry out a survey of workers (appropriate men and appropriate location)
Establish schedules with the hours of workers and specialists and use their efforts with good judgment and on time (appropriate effort at the right time).
An engagement with economic institutions adequate to support the cause financially.
Reconcile international engagement with flexibility at the local level.
a- Elements:
To define the guidelines that everyone [worldwide] must follow.
To leave a margin that provides sufficient flexibility at the local level for the issues that do not conflict with the general lines of the global Islamic policy.
b- Procedures:
The Movement, at a global level, will define the Islamic domain and issues in a general way which will require the engagement of all according to previously defined priorities.
The local leadership will define local issues that come within their prerogative, according to the principle of flexibility and according to previously defined priorities.
c- Suggested Missions 
Worldwide Islamic engagement for a total liberation of 
Palestine and the creation of an Islamic state is the mission which falls to the global leadership.
To establish a dialogue at a local level with those who work for the cause according to the global political lines of the Movement. It is up to the local leadership to define the shape of that dialogue.
To reconcile political engagement with the necessity of avoiding isolation, on the one hand, with permanent education and institutional work on the other.
a- Elements
Liberty to function politically in each country according to local circumstances, without however participating in a process which makes a decision which would be contrary to the texts of Shari’a.
To invite everyone to take part in parliament, municipal councils, labor unions and other institutions of which the membership is chosen by the people in the interest of Islam and of Muslims.
To continue to educate individuals and generations and to guarantee the training of specialists in various areas according to a previously designed plan.
To construct social, economic, scientific and health institutions and penetrate the domain of the social services, in order to be in contact with the people and to serve them by means of Islamic institutions.
b- Procedures
To study the varied political environments and the probabilities of success in each country.
To plan specialized study missions which will concentrate on useful areas such as communications, the history of Islam, etc.
To conduct feasibility studies concerning various institutions and create them according to priorities established in each country.
c-Suggested Missions
To conduct studies relating to the experiences of political Islam and to draw lessons from them.
To give an Islamic policy perspective on the pressing questions of the day.
To keep questions of local importance such as issues concerning workers, unions, etc. within an Islamic framework.
To create a certain number of economic, social, health care and educational institutions, using available means, to serve the people within an Islamic framework.
To dedicate ourselves to the establishment of an Islamic state, in parallel with gradual efforts aimed at gaining control of local power centers through institutional action.
a- Elements
To channel thought, education and action in order to establish an Islamic power [government] on the earth.
To influence centers of power both local and worldwide to the service of Islam.
b- Procedures
To prepare a scientific study on the possibility of establishing the reign of God throughout the world according to established priorities.
To study the centers of power, both local and worldwide, and the possibilities of placing them under influence.
To conduct a modern study on the concept of support for the dawa and Islamic law, and more particularly on the men of influence in the State and the country.
c- Suggested Mission
To draw up an Islamic Constitution in light of efforts deployed up to now.
To draw up Islamic laws, civil laws, etc.
To work within various influential institutions and use them in the service of Islam.
To use the work of economic, social, and other specialized Islamic institutions.
To loyally work alongside Islamic groups and institutions in various areas and in agreement on a common ground in order to "cooperate on points of agreement and put aside points of disagreement".
a- Elements
To coordinate the Islamic work in a single direction as will permit the laying of the foundations of the growth of Muslim society and dedication to the power of God on Earth.
For each to work according to his capacities in his chosen field and to master it, with loyalty and coordination of effort.
b- Procedures
To study the true nature of Islamic movements, to evaluate their experiences and draw up plans to initiate collaboration among them.
To avoid creating new Islamic movements in a country which already has one; there will be but one movement, serious and complete.
c- Suggested missions
To coordinate the efforts of all those working for Islam, in each country, and to establish good contact with them, whether they work in individuals or in groups.
To reduce the differences that exists between workers for Islam and to resolve their conflicts according to shari’a.
To accept the principle of temporary cooperation between Islamic movements and nationalist movements in the broad sphere and on common ground such as the struggle against colonialism, preaching and the Jewish state, without however having to form alliances. This will require, on the other hand, limited contacts between certain leaders, on a case by case basis, as long as these contacts do not violate the [shari’a] law. Nevertheless, one must not give them allegiance or take them into confidence, bearing in mind that the Islamic movement must be the origin of the initiatives and orientations taken.
To combine all efforts against the supreme forces of evil in accordance with the principle that one must “battle one evil with a lesser evil”.
To limit the collaboration to the leadership or to a limited number of individuals in order to maximize the benefit and minimize the possible drawbacks.
To work from perspective of the objectives previously defined for the dawa.
To make a study to evaluate the areas with the object of mutual assistance between Islamic and other movements and draw lessons from it.
To study the areas which allow cooperation, and define the boundaries.
To study the philosophy and plans of other movements.
c- Suggested Missions:
Each country should study the possibility, in the future, of strengthening internal collaboration.
To master the art of the possible on a temporary basis without abusing the basic principles, bearing in mind that Allah's teachings always apply. One must order the suitable and forbid that which is not, always giving a documented opinion [according to shari’a]. But we should not look for confrontation with our adversaries, at the local or the global scale, which would be disproportionate and could lead to attacks against the dawa or its disciples.
a- Elements:
To evaluate the education of individuals and not to excessively use typical modern education that does not correspond to reality, which is devoid of flexibility and could have grave consequences such as the conflict between individuals for a simple comment or a simple failure.
To give a documented and scientific view, in the form of speeches, communiqués and books, that bears on events important to the Ummah.
To avoid the Movement hurting itself with major confrontations, which could encourage its adversaries to give it a fatal blow.
To carry out a study to evaluate the experiences of Islamist movements in order to avoid their fatal errors.
To develop educational methods that are at the same time exemplary, realistic and true to our principles, in order to bestow a flexibility sufficient to permit the facing of reality.
c-Suggested Missions:
To develop initiation programs for the faithful and proceed with sensitivity to the foundation of past experience.
To prepare individuals according to modern educational methods.
To construct a permanent force of the Islamic dawa and support movements engaged in jihad across the Muslim world, to varying degrees and insofar as possible.
To protect the dawa with the force necessary to guarantee its security at the local and international levels.
To make contact with all new movements engaged in jihad, everywhere on the planet, and with Muslim minorities, and to create links as needed to establish and support collaboration.
To maintain jihad and awakening throughout the Ummah.
To form an autonomous security force to protect the dawa and its disciples locally and worldwide.
To study movements engaged in jihad in the Muslim world, as well as among Muslim minorities, to better understand them.
c-Suggested Missions:
To build bridges between movements engaged in jihad in the Muslim world, and between Muslim minorities, and to support them insofar as possible within a framework of collaboration.
To use diverse and varied surveillance systems, in several places, to gather information and adopt a single effective warning system serving the worldwide Islamic movement. In fact, surveillance, policy decisions and effective communications complement each other.
To make the policy decisions to collect important and precise information.
To diffuse Islamic policy so that it is largely and efficiently covered by the media.
To create a modern surveillance system by means of advanced technology (possibly created at the research centers mentioned earlier).
To create an effective and serious media centre.
c- Suggested Missions:
To warn Muslims of the dangers that threaten them and the international conspiracies directed at them.
To give our views on current events and future issues.
To adopt the Palestinian cause as part of a worldwide Islamic plan, with the policy plan and by means ofjihad, since it acts as the keystone of the renaissance of the Arab world today.
To provide an Islamic view on all areas, problems and solutions relative to the Palestinian question, based on the precepts of Islam.
To prepare the community of believers for jihad for the liberation of Palestine. [One can lead theUmmah to realize the plans of the Islamic movement above all if victory is ours], if God wills it.
To create a modest nucleus of jihad in Palestine, and to nourish it in order to maintain the flame that will light the road toward the liberation of Palestine, and in order that the Palestinian cause will endure until the moment of liberation.
To collect sufficient funds for the perpetuation of jihad.
To conduct a study of the situation of Muslims and the enemy in occupied Palestine.
c-Suggested Missions:
To conduct studies on the Jews, enemies of Muslims, and on the oppression inflicted by these enemies on our brothers in occupied Palestine, in addition to preaching and publications.
To fight against the sentiment of capitulation among the Ummah, to refuse defeatist solutions, and to show that conciliation with the Jews will undermine our Movement and its history.
To conduct comparative studies on the Crusades and Israel, and [the victory that will be that of Islam].
To create jihadi cells in Palestine, and support them in order that they cover all of occupiedPalestine.
To create a link between the moujahadin in Palestine and those throughout the Islamic world.
To nourish a sentiment of rancor with respect to the Jews and refuse all coexistence.
To know how to turn to self-criticism and permanent evaluation of worldwide Islamic policy and its objectives, of its content and its procedures in order to improve it. This is a duty and a necessity according to the precepts of shari’a.
To conduct constructive self-criticism, in order to avoid pitfalls.
To proceed with constant evaluation, on a scientific basis, to permit the further construction of policies.
To improve Islamic policies and to take profit from past experiences must be a clear and essential objective.
To evaluate current practices and profit from past experience.
To ask officials in the various countries to give their views on direction, methods and results.
c-Suggested Missions:
To produce an official document on global Islamic policy.
To make the countries, the officials and the people aware of that policy.
To begin to apply the policy, to evaluate it annually and to improve it if need be.